Hall of Famer
- May 29, 2001
Gregory Stenstrom saw The Steal on Election Day in Delaware County
Gregory Stenstrom saw The Steal on Election Day in Delaware County
Note: In this exclusive excerpt from the new book The Parallel Election, the co-author Gregory Stenstrom provides a riveting first-hand account of how the 2020 election was stolen in Delaware County, Pennsylvania by a cabal of Democrat activists and establishment GOP politicians. Stenstrom was a certified poll watcher for 36 precincts in Pennsylvania during the 2020 election — and so he personally witnessed the cheating take place.
The authors of The Parallel Election, Leah Hoopes and Gregory Stenstrom, will make their first TV appearance to discuss their new book on my show The Absolute Truth tomorrow at 12pm EST on LindellTV.
The Parallel Election is available on August 9th.
On November 3, 2020, I showed up to watch the polls to which I had been assigned.
I was assigned as the sole GOP poll watcher for 36 precincts (1-1 through 11-6), located in Chester City, Pennsylvania, of which I was able to inspect and observe 22 precincts.
If this seems like a lot, it was.
But I am a professional data and forensic computer scientist, and experienced in security, fraud, and corruption investigations, among other things, so I was comfortable with the assignment.
Because I have this specific professional background, I know what I am looking for when I serve as a poll watcher.
I strove to be scrupulous in doing my job with both the letter and the spirit of the law in mind.
The Delaware County Board of Elections had provided me with a notarized certificate of appointment as a poll watcher on behalf of PA Senator Tom Killion.
I presented it when requested at the polling locations in Chester City on Election Day.
On November 3rd, I observed poll workers in multiple assigned Chester City polling places, which included the 1-3, 1-4, 1-6, 2-1, 2-2, 2-3, 11-2, and several others, providing regular ballots, rather than provisional ballots, to voters who were told they had registered to vote by mail, without making them sign in the registration book.
I challenged the practice in those precincts where I observed it, and while I was present, they then stopped the practice and began providing provisional ballots.
People were waiting patiently in lines, excited to vote. Despite Chester City being a historically Democrat stronghold, there appeared to be some voters in the mix who planned to vote Republican based on campaign provided clothing, accessories, and more than a few (surreptitious) thumbs up.
I was informed at each polling location by their respective judge of elections that I was the only GOP poll watcher they had seen in this 2020 election, or any other election they could remember.
At about 6:00PM I went to the Delco “Wharf Building” counting center in Chester City located on Seaport Avenue on the Delaware River, with my certificate, to observe, as the sole poll watcher from the Tom Killion Campaign, as authorized and tasked to do so by Killion’s campaign manager, Cody Bright.
Bright had been informed, and he informed me that throughout the day that there were “a dozen national level GOP poll watchers” at the counting center, observing and monitoring ballot canvassing.
This turned out to be untrue.
I checked into the building and took the elevator from the ground floor to the 1st floor counting room, where I was denied entry, to which I objected, and was then surrounded first by four municipal Park Police, and then an additional five joined them.
I presented my poll watcher certificate and refused to leave, at which point I was threatened with physical removal and arrest.
I calmly stood my ground to the perplexment of the (9) police officers, and firmly stated I was a certified poll watcher, lawfully carrying out my duties, and that it was unlawful on their part to attempt to remove me from a canvassing area.
Deputy Sheriff Mike Donohue joined the police officers, taking charge, and instructed me to leave — without explanation — and then further stated that if I did not comply, they would physically remove me, and arrest me.
Being surrounded by law enforcement officers, and being threatened with (unlawful) arrest is an occupational hazard when performing physical security assessments and government corruption and fraud investigations, and I took the threat in stride.
Police officers are trained professionals, and instinctually respond positively to command authority and quiet professionalism, which I in turn have been trained in.
As a former US naval officer, executive officer and commanding officer of special operations and special warfare units, I am quite experienced in asserting authority, even without a uniform or badge.
While I would not recommend a civilian without those skillsets refuse to comply with a police officer, I stated amiably that while I didn’t want a physical confrontation, that that would be what it was going to take to make me leave, and that I would try not to injure any of the (9) officers.
That de-escalated the situation and got a few chuckles and an easing of body language among the (much younger) officers.
I include this detail both because it happened, and to indicate how a civilian can stand his ground successfully.
The incident was the primary reason I was uniquely able to move about and gain access that watchers in other voting centers across
the country were denied.
With a break in the tension, Sheriff Donohue, who was also chuckling, stated he didn’t want to remove or arrest me, and informed me that there was a separate list for “observers,” and I had to somehow get on it before they could allow me in.
I asked Mike (we were buds now) if there were any GOP poll watchers in the building at all, and he told me that there were two inside.
I asked to speak to them, and one man came out.
I asked him how he got on “the list,” and he stated he had volunteered via email and been told to go there, with no other explanation as to what he was supposed to do other than “watch,” and that he was leaving shortly, and he didn’t think any other GOP observers were coming.
I asked him if he knew what he was supposed to be “watching.”
He stated that he had “no idea,” and “couldn’t see anything from behind the barriers anyways.”
I thanked him and Mike and went back to the ground floor to call Leah and figure out how to gain access.
Leah connected me with Tom King and Phil Kline, of the 501C3 Project Amistad organization, and after apprising them of the situation, Phil stated that Project Amistad would pay for a lawyer to join us and urged Tom to get one as fast as possible.
We agreed that Leah would be the point person.
While on the ground floor waiting for an attorney, or for Leah to figure out another way to get me and several other observers waiting with me, including Mike Majewski and Joe Masalta, on the access list.
I saw workers carting in boxes of ballots via the main elevators, the separate garage loading dock elevators, and some to and from the back doors closest to the Delaware River, without any supervision or chain of custody.
There was no apparent process integrity, or obvious way for anyone to determine the origin of any of the rolling racks with USPS boxes filled with mail-in ballots, or their ingestion into, or egress out of the system.
They weren’t escorted, and many wore semi-official paper “Voter Protection” badges around their necks that had been issued to hundreds of Democrat operatives on election day, many of whom I had been informed, had been bussed into the county from unknown whereabouts.
Several workers, also with “Voter Protection” badges, casually sat at cafeteria tables with USPS boxes of mail-in ballots spread over the table while they looked at the front part of the envelope.
We later found out that they had been tasked with checking to see if there was a signature – any signature – on the envelope.
That should have already been accomplished, or otherwise assigned to a Bureau of Elections employee tasked with manually entering the information at a terminal connected to the Pennsylvania SURE system to verify its receipt, and that it was valid.
They should have been updating the database before it could be allowed to be counted.
There was absolutely no reason for Democrat “Voter Protection” volunteers to be handling mail-in ballots — unobserved and unsupervised — in the ground floor cafeteria to ostensibly “check for signatures.”
I suspected the only plausible reason for this process might be a “Kansas City Shuffle” — a possible switch of racks and ballots or shuffling fake ballots into the mix.
This could easily be accomplished by bringing in racks of ballots from other floors, from any one of three different unobserved elevator banks in different parts of the building.
There was absolutely no repeatable process, or chain of custody, or even reasonable diligence in keeping track of the racks, the USPS boxes filled with mail-in ballots, who was moving them, where they were coming from, or where they were going.
I later found out that the Board and Bureau of Elections did not even have a complete list of the hundreds of “Voter Protection” volunteers that worked and strolled about the counting center without a second look by election officials, nor had they asked for any identification or credentials.
While I was required to have a certified poll watcher certificate that the Board of Elections had verified for my name and address after being vetted by Senator Killion and the GOP, before notarizing it a week before the election, unvetted Democrat “Voter Protection” volunteers were given free and unlimited access to roam about as they pleased.
At 10PM, a balding, middle-aged man in a disheveled suit approached us. Leah had pressured King and Kline to attend to us. So, this was our attorney. He identified himself as John McBlain, and confidently promised to straighten things out. I accompanied him back up to the first floor counting room. He did not disclose that he was an executive board member and general counsel for the DCREC, and I had no idea he was the former Delaware County Solicitor, and the former County Council Chairman.
We were met by Delaware County Solicitor William Martin and Sheriff Donohue. Martin ignored me, and with great hostility attacked McBlain, loudly stating that no one who was not on “the list” was permitted inside the counting center. What happened next was dumbfounding to me — McBlain, who had been a fountain of confidence on the way up the elevator went to water. His knees started shaking, and he broke out into a sweat, and would not hazard a word aside from unintelligible mumbling in response to Martin’s verbal assault — which Martin was visibly enjoying. I physically took his arm, moved him aside and confronted Martin, which
enraged him to the point where spittle was coming out of his mouth, and he screamed and demanded we leave, while McBlain trembled next to me.
Mike Donohue seemed concerned that the confrontation might get physical with Martin. We were face to face with him yelling and not moving. Donohue intervened and asked, “how do they get on the list to come in?” to which Martin responded by stalking off to the back
room. It was a surreal exchange, and one that would repeat multiple times over the coming weeks with Martin, who speaks with loud exasperation as a matter of course.
McBlain took Martin’s departure as his cue to leave and was headed back to the elevator leaving Mike and I looking at each other with astounded “WTH?!” expressions, and there was little else to do but follow McBlain to the elevator.
We rode down and walked to the waiting area where the other observers who had accompanied me were assembled. McBlain finally said he had to make some calls to find out how to get on the list.
When McBlain returned he informed me that the gatekeeper for the entry list was DCREC Executive Chair Carol Miller, who we would later learn was McBlain’s peer on the DCREC, and she had called in my name and the other four observers with me to County IT network administrator John Barton, who was responsible for checking us into the first floor counting center.
We were finally allowed in at approximately 11PM, five hours after our 6PM arrival, and were deflated to learn that the five-hour wait, and the “entry pass,” only got us 20 feet further into the room, where we were restricted to an “observers’ pen.” At that point, with what I had thought was only an hour or two before the election results would be called, the better part of valor was observing and learning as much as we could.
We were the only GOP observers in the room, which was otherwise packed with Democrat employees, volunteers, and DNC “Voter Protection” poll watchers standing in the small, square “observers’ pen.”
Trays of ballots were still coming in through the three doors that appeared to lead from a back office, and a second back-office supply room; there were also doors leading from an outside hallway, with separate elevator access from the public elevators and the garage loading dock elevators.
I had no meaningful opportunity to observe any part of the count: the sorting appeared to have been done elsewhere, and the machines were too far away from the observation position to see the mail-in envelopes or ballots. I observed opened ballots going out the second back office closest to the windows in red boxes after handling and sorting by volunteers, some being placed in green boxes, and ballots from the green boxes being placed in scanners like the scanner I had used to vote.
But it was too far away (30 feet) to be sure. I asked Deputy Sheriff Mike where the ballots came from, and where the ones that were leaving the room went, and he said he did not know.
I asked Laureen Hagan, the elections official in charge of operations, where the ballots were coming from and how they were being processed. She responded that I was only there to observe, and that I had no right to ask any questions. I said that I wanted to observe the activity in the sequestered back room where I could glimpse activity when the door opened, but she denied my request, stating that the law prohibited access to that room by poll observers, and we were restricted to the observers’ pen. I responded that there was no law denying access to observers from canvassing areas, where ballots were being handled and processed, and she then said that it was “a COVID thing.” I pointed out that I had a mask on, and so did the people visible through the door when it opened. She then informed me that she wanted to prevent us from “interfering.” I responded that I was only there to observe and not to interfere, and to make a statement if I observed something wrong. Hagan said, “I assure you that everything’s fine. There’s no fraud going on,” and left to go to the back room.
Shortly after this exchange with Hagan, “Voter Protection” volunteers, accompanied by deputy sheriffs, started bringing in semi-opaque bins with blue folding tops that contained transparent plastic bags, approximately 10” square, with each bag containing what appeared to be some sort of cartridge, a USB vDrive, and a paper tape from the voting machines.
They were brought to the computer tables which contained four computer workstation towers on tables connected to four wall mounted monitors, with one workstation tower on the floor under the tables that was not connected to a monitor.
A flurry of workers started disassembling the bags and separating out the USB sticks, cartridges, and paper tapes from the plastic bags, and dropping them in open carboard boxes, with two workers sticking the USB drives into the computers to start the election day counts.
I immediately objected, and directed McBlain to challenge the process, and he again retrieved. Hagan to hear my objections. I asked why the returned items had not come with the sealed bags from the judges of elections, and she explained that they had been taken out of the bags at the three county election processing centers by the sheriffs, who were collecting them “for ease of transport.”
I stated that that was a break in the chain of custody, to which she shrugged her shoulders. I then asked her why they were separating out the USB drives from the cartridges and paper tapes, which was destroying any forensic auditability and further corrupting the chain of custody, and she said, “that’s how we have always done it.” I knew that was a misrepresentation because it was the first time the counting center had been used, and reconciliation and tabulation had previously been performed at the precinct level where everything had been put in canvas bags, sealed with a plastic zip lock, and brought to the garage at the Media, PA Government Center by judges of elections. I told that to Hagan.
She again stated I had no right to interfere, and was only permitted to observe, turned, and walked away. I pleaded with McBlain to intervene and at least demand that the USB drives remain with the cartridges and tapes in the plastic bags so we would not have to reassemble and compare them during the official tabulation scheduled for that Friday. He did nothing except look at the floor and sweat.
It is noteworthy that dozens of Democrat “volunteer” workers constantly streamed through the counting area unaccosted, with no check of either ID’s or names, still wearing their “Voter Integrity” lanyards and badges, while the certified poll watchers were restricted to the pen. They walked about unrestricted, with no scrutiny, many handling ballots and carrying boxes of unopened mail-in ballots back and forth. This turned out to be the arrangement that Democrats set up at the new counting centers in many swing state cities and pivot counties across the country.
Despite multiple exchanges, elections officials continued to refuse access to the back rooms or a line of sight to anything meaningful, and we were stuck “observing” in the pen where we could essentially see nothing. I again conveyed to McBlain that I wanted to pursue immediate legal recourse to gain meaningful access, and he left the roped off area to seek Board of Elections Solicitor Manly Parks. Somehow, Delaware County Solicitor Martin had deemed it a good idea to name Parks the Board of Elections Solicitor, even though Parks was also the Solicitor of the Delaware County PA Democrat Party.
At approximately 2:30am McBlain returned and said he had had a conversation with Parks and the President of the Board of Elections, Gerald Lawrence, and they had agreed to allow us access to the “back office” and “locked “ballot room” at 9:30 AM the following morning. By that time and given that any other legal recourse would have taken as long, or longer, and there was nothing meaningful to observe, I reluctantly agreed to the 9:30AM meeting. We were then informed that they were closing down for the night and that everyone had to leave.
I was incredulous, and refused to leave, and called a senior executive in President Trump’s campaign, who immediately answered. I told him that if we couldn’t get lawyers and federal law enforcement involved to stop them from locking us out, they could steal the election. I was informed that other counting centers had already shut down for the night, and they were stopping the count nationwide. Frankly, I could think of no logical reason for shutting down and stopping the count — aside from an intent to cheat.
I will never forget that conversation. They were already celebrating what looked like an overwhelming victory based on the election day voting, and he was ebullient and a little slurred, and I could hear loud, excited celebratory chatter in the background.
“Greg, Trump is 657,000 votes ahead, and there is no way they can win.”
To which I replied: “You know me, and I’m telling you, President Trump may be winning by 657,000 votes right now, but if we don’t stop them from shutting down the voting centers, he’ll be losing by 100,000 votes by tomorrow, or whenever they
“Greg, please, relax, don’t get yourself arrested, and go home, everything will be fine.”
We lingered as long as we could to see if election employees and volunteers were leaving, and when we saw the counting center empty out, we left.
About the Authors: Gregory Stenstrom is Co-Founder of www.Patriot.Online, a digital privacy ecosystem and social media platform. He has extensive experience in computer sciences, security, and fraud investigations, and a reputation as a formidable problem solver who distills complexity into actionable simplicity. A former US Naval Officer, he served as a Surface Warfare Officer, and in Commanding and Executive Officer roles for Special Warfare and Special Operations. Over the last two years, he has devoted much of his time to election integrity in Delaware County, PA. He holds a Bachelor of Science degree from the United States Naval Academy, Annapolis, MD.
Leah Hoopes is a business owner, and Republican Committeewoman for Bethel Township in Delaware County, Pennsylvania. As a KravMaga instructor and practitioner, she trains women in self-defense both physically, and emotionally. She is a highly effective political activist, who develops strategic plans, and recruit experts and advocates to execute them. She holds an Associate of Arts degree in Criminal Justice from Delaware Community College and an Associates of Science degree in Physical Therapy from Harcum College.